Dear Readers,
I'm learning Microsoft Access the hard way, but it's the only
way I know how. Instead of sitting down with "Access 2000
Development" chapter by chapter (Alison Balter, 1999, 39
Chapters, 1342 pages), I have started out with a project of my
own, and then, when I need help, I reference the book and test
the sample code.
My project (what a user might see of it) is a simple Address
book. Underlying that are complex structures and algorithms that
make what you see simple and intuitive. I wish I could talk about
it all day.
I'm struggling with SQL (simplified query language), which interrogates
or manipulates the databases underlying the Household and Members
forms that the user sees. Of course, like politics, it comes in
several flavors. Do I want to use SQL code for Data Access Objects
(DAO), or the newer Activex Data Objects (ADO)? Do I have a choice?
What works?
I'm trying to do all this in Visual Basic on the fly, so I left
some bad code in my project and cooked up some lunch. When in
doubt, take a break and come back to it.
What's nice about the neat, orderly world of programming code
is you can leave it on the table. Dysfunctional code doesn't make
itself worse, it doesn't rot, it doesn't spread itself to neighboring
modules. With the exception of maliciously designed viruses (believe
me, you can't do this by mistake), bad code simply sits inertly
until (a) some other part of your code calls upon it to perform
its task, or (b) you fix it.
Ah, that it were so in real life. Over lunch, I read a well-written
article in the Sunday paper: "Vermont citizens clash over
views on gay marriage".
Ah, yes. That one. I'm encouraged, but skeptical ... even though
I AM gay, and even though our household stands to eventually benefit
from it enormously if the good folks of Vermont do the Right Thing.
Which, I and the polls are pretty much convinced, they're not
about to do.
Fixing ideological differences is MUCH more difficult than fixing
bad code.
The article was by Carey Goldberg of the New York Times. It did
a better than average job of getting to the underlying issues.
Among them:
Pro:
"(We) have been married for 52 years (and) for the life
of us, we can't imagine how gay marriage would adversely affect
anyone in our family."
Love your neighbor as yourself - whether or not your neighbor
is gay.
"The state is not in the business of giving people their
morality."
Anti:
"No matter how far back it goes, to the Bible, marriage
has been one man, one woman. That's all. Not one man, one man,
one woman, one woman."
Leviticus calls it "an abomination".
The nation's founders established the country based on Judeo-Christian
morality, and ... the morality inherent in the biblical concept
of marriage could not be separated from the law.
There were other interesting arguments. Is our government responsible
for protecting minorities, or should we "let the people decide"?
Are there parallels to other struggles for civil rights, or is
this the precursor to "the downfall of every civilization"?
Note that all the "anti"
arguments were based on religious assertion.
What caught me eye was the last "anti" argument, "The
nation's founders established the country based on Judeo-Christian
morality."
This is the "underlying argument", the code underneath
what you see, which explains the most else about the visible behavior
of the creature.
I've been watching this one for decades, long before I began
to struggle with sexual orientation issues on a cultural or personal
level.
So it comes down to this. The argument is really whether the
database engine should be constitutional, or biblical.
Outside the clubby and powerful neo-Christian sects, you don't
hear that argument often -- that the law must or may be based
on biblical foundations. When you do, most often it's a verbal
articulation by someone else, who, in turn, heard it from a clubby
neo-Christian sect.
There's a good reason why theocratic proponents don't like to
see this in print too often. To a person who believes in the rule
of impartial law, it's blasphemy. It's a fundamental contradiction
of everything we learned about constitutional law.
As with database engines, we should be able to take apart the
code and ask questions like this:
This appeal to reason and to the humanity of the participants
echoes throughout the previous century. We heard it at the freedom
marches and in the wearing of the pink triangle armbands.
It somewhat benevolently assumes people wouldn't act this way
in public, if only they were cognizant of the consequences for
the affected individuals.
I'm afraid I can't share that benevolent
assumption.
Between pro- and anti-gay activists sit a huge middle ground
of undecideds, some of whom personally know and like others who
are gay ot lesbian, and some of whom don't. Politically, this
is the group that calls the shots.
Given that not changing the status quo doesn't violate any other
principle this middle ground thinks it stands for, the electorate
is not going to validate gay marriage, or even support a system
of equality for domestic partnership, if it can help it.
Why should middle-grounders support domestic partnership when
they already support the monstrously expensive "war on drugs",
censorship of television and the Internet , and other violations
of civil rights which don't affect them personally?
The premise: people who don't comport themselves in private the
way we would like them to should be punished. Existing laws provide
us with a means of inflicting such punishments. Besides, existing
laws are the law, and so should be upheld. That's all.
Conclusion: the 20th century proved that principles can't be
made to work, so (Step 1) we have to put our faith in the will
of the electorate. (Step 2) If you happen to be on the receiving
end of this national largesse, see (Step 1).
I think most people who support
new or continuing legislation to discriminate against others
know who their victims are. I think they know exactly what they're
doing. With apologies to Susan Clark of Vermont, I don't think
they care.
In the end, I think it will be up to the courts to rewrite the
broken code of the social interaction engine, and I support (among
others) groups that concentrate their efforts toward liberty in
the arena of constitutional law.
In the end, it was the courts and Justice Department that mandated
the demise of Jim Crow (and enforced other gains in civil liberties)
-- not the electorate.
I don't think it's too late for a constitutional approach to
civil liberty, but I do think the neo-Christian approach implicitly
subordinates the rule of law to a favored group's interpretation
of the rule of the Bible. This, and not "gay marriage",
will strip the nation of its defining characteristic of freedom.
If the "downfall of civilization" should come to
pass, the uneven hand of religious law will play a large part
in it.
It is no more reasonable to expect the good people of Vermont
to strip themselves of privileges they already exercise, than
to expect politicians to vote to strip themselves of power and
a pay raise.
I rest my case. I'm going to take a break back in the safe world
of SQL and database engines.